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I'm constantly amazed by the complete and total absence of any editorial standards at the Wall Street Journal. It's not just that they publish crazy reactionary nonsense on a daily basis, it's that even within that nonsense, there is no attempt whatsoever to even get the relatively insignificant facts right. Does the paper even employ editors?
Orin Kerr points mockingly at this op-ed the other day from Fox News contributor Andrew Napolitano, and to this passage in particular:
As for the legal assertions, the Court in Lopez did not reject Wickard v. Filburn, as Napolitano claims; it merely distinguished it. More importantly, though, Napolitano so badly misstates the holding of Lopez that I seriously question whether he's ever read it. He claims that "the Court ruled that the Commerce Clause may only be used by Congress to regulate human activity that is truly commercial at its core and that has not traditionally been regulated by the states."
Um . . . no. The Court actually held--as we lawyers have drilled into our heads in Constitutional Law--that, pursuant to the Commerce Clause, Congress may regulate any activity that "substantially affects interstate commerce."
And needless to say, this is a test that has traditionally been interpreted very broadly, including by this very same Supreme Court (see, e.g., Gonzales v. Raich (2005)). It is flat out false that an activity must be "commercial at its core" to be regulated by Congress. Napolitano just made that up. The same is true of his suggestion that Congress cannot regulate activity that has traditionally been regulated by the states. Just because Congress has not chosen to enter a particular field doesn't mean it lacks the power to do so.
Moreover, it is absurd as a factual matter to claim that health care is an area that has been traditionally left to the states. Has Napolitano ever heard of Medicare or Medicaid? How about the FDA or CDC or the VA system?
And on what planet is the delivery of health services (and sale of insurance!) not commercial in character? How many non-commercial activities fund armies of Washington lobbyists and spend billions on ad campaigns? Napolitano writes that "the delivery of medical services occurs in one place and does not move across state lines." I suppose that's true in some sense (at least most of the time). But the same is true of buying groceries or guns or just about anything else. And all of these things are clearly within the reach of the Commerce Clause.
It's one thing to argue for a crackpot interpretation of the Constitution. Everyone is free to do that. But you can't just blatantly misrepresent what the current state of the law is. You can't just assert that Roe v. Wade means the opposite of what it actually means. The reality is that if Napolitano's interpretation of Lopez was correct, virtually the entire post World War II regulatory state would be unconstitutional. If he was correct, Medicare and Medicaid would be unconstitutional. Needless to say, the Supreme Court never intended to suggest anything of the sort in Lopez.
The suggestion that the health care reforms currently being considered are unconstitutional is laughable. Maybe in some parallel universe that might be true. But not in this one.
UPDATE: To be clear, I realize that the editorial page is distinct from the news division at the Wall Street Journal. I'm sure the news division actually employs editors and fact-checkers. But still, the anything-goes contempt for facts on display daily on the editorial page diminishes the entire brand.
Orin Kerr points mockingly at this op-ed the other day from Fox News contributor Andrew Napolitano, and to this passage in particular:
The Supreme Court finally came to its senses when it invalidated a congressional ban on illegal guns within 1,000 feet of public schools. In United States v. Lopez (1995), the Court ruled that the Commerce Clause may only be used by Congress to regulate human activity that is truly commercial at its core and that has not traditionally been regulated by the states. The movement of illegal guns from one state to another, the Court ruled, was criminal and not commercial at its core, and school safety has historically been a state function.As Kerr points out, nearly every sentence in these two paragraphs is demonstrably incorrect, both with respect to the big picture and the details. First, the details. The statute invalidated by the Court in Lopez did not ban "illegal" guns from school zones. That would be redundant. It banned guns. Period. Second, it banned guns with 1000 feet of all schools, not just public ones. Third, it had nothing to do with the "movement of illegal guns from one state to another." If it had, it clearly would have been constitutional.
Applying these principles to President Barack Obama's health-care proposal, it's clear that his plan is unconstitutional at its core. The practice of medicine consists of the delivery of intimate services to the human body. In almost all instances, the delivery of medical services occurs in one place and does not move across interstate lines. One goes to a physician not to engage in commercial activity, as the Framers of the Constitution understood, but to improve one's health. And the practice of medicine, much like public school safety, has been regulated by states for the past century.
As for the legal assertions, the Court in Lopez did not reject Wickard v. Filburn, as Napolitano claims; it merely distinguished it. More importantly, though, Napolitano so badly misstates the holding of Lopez that I seriously question whether he's ever read it. He claims that "the Court ruled that the Commerce Clause may only be used by Congress to regulate human activity that is truly commercial at its core and that has not traditionally been regulated by the states."
Um . . . no. The Court actually held--as we lawyers have drilled into our heads in Constitutional Law--that, pursuant to the Commerce Clause, Congress may regulate any activity that "substantially affects interstate commerce."
And needless to say, this is a test that has traditionally been interpreted very broadly, including by this very same Supreme Court (see, e.g., Gonzales v. Raich (2005)). It is flat out false that an activity must be "commercial at its core" to be regulated by Congress. Napolitano just made that up. The same is true of his suggestion that Congress cannot regulate activity that has traditionally been regulated by the states. Just because Congress has not chosen to enter a particular field doesn't mean it lacks the power to do so.
Moreover, it is absurd as a factual matter to claim that health care is an area that has been traditionally left to the states. Has Napolitano ever heard of Medicare or Medicaid? How about the FDA or CDC or the VA system?
And on what planet is the delivery of health services (and sale of insurance!) not commercial in character? How many non-commercial activities fund armies of Washington lobbyists and spend billions on ad campaigns? Napolitano writes that "the delivery of medical services occurs in one place and does not move across state lines." I suppose that's true in some sense (at least most of the time). But the same is true of buying groceries or guns or just about anything else. And all of these things are clearly within the reach of the Commerce Clause.
It's one thing to argue for a crackpot interpretation of the Constitution. Everyone is free to do that. But you can't just blatantly misrepresent what the current state of the law is. You can't just assert that Roe v. Wade means the opposite of what it actually means. The reality is that if Napolitano's interpretation of Lopez was correct, virtually the entire post World War II regulatory state would be unconstitutional. If he was correct, Medicare and Medicaid would be unconstitutional. Needless to say, the Supreme Court never intended to suggest anything of the sort in Lopez.
The suggestion that the health care reforms currently being considered are unconstitutional is laughable. Maybe in some parallel universe that might be true. But not in this one.
UPDATE: To be clear, I realize that the editorial page is distinct from the news division at the Wall Street Journal. I'm sure the news division actually employs editors and fact-checkers. But still, the anything-goes contempt for facts on display daily on the editorial page diminishes the entire brand.



17 Comments:
As has been pointed out by so many others the US is the only industrialized nation that does not treat health care as a right. The health care debate recently became very personal for me and my family; I lost my job and with it my health care. While the right wing nuts rail against the government being involved in health care I want them to tell me what I am supposed to do. Am I supposed to feed my family (3 children) and keep a roof over our heads or am I supposed to buy health insurance. I do not know how long I'll be without work so it seems to me that making my mortgage payment is a more immediate need than health insurance. But, this puts me one heart attack, or one ruptured appendix, or you name it, away from bankruptcy. People like Napolitano need to take a good look at the systems in other countries. I mean a real good look. There are a variety of systems out there that do a better job of rationing care than the US (lack of) system. People in other countries live longer, stay healthier, and pay less for health care and they do not have to worry about getting into the situation I find myself in now.
I have a question for A.L. or anybody else out there who has read the Wall Street Journal over the last decade. Has the WSJ editorial pages gotten loopier since Rupert Murdoch purchased the paper?
I know it was pretty bad in the past (Vince Foster, Brooks Brothers riot), but I get the sense it's (a) moved more to the right, and (b) presents extremely poor arguments - as A.L. points out in the post.
Don't we, in this country, supposedly have a right to "life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness"?
Now, when the Constitution was written, medical science was pretty much a wash. Get treated by doctors, and die, avoid doctors and die (recall that Washington was probably killed by being bled).
I'm pretty sure that, if the founders were brought back today, they'd unequivocally assert medical care as a logical consequence of the principles of the Declaration of Independence.
Of course, they were liberals, so you have to allow for some windage.
republican la la land, where roosters make the sun come up, and rain dries the laundry.
Um, can't he be disbarred for this? A quick bit of Googling shows he was still current as of 2/2008.
'Get treated by doctors, and die, avoid doctors and die (recall that Washington was probably killed by being bled).'
One doesn't have to go all the way back to Washington to find a president being killed by his doctors. James Garfield was killed because of the extensive surgery the doctors subjected him to in search of a safely encysted bullet. When it was clear he was not in immediate danger, they continued to cut into him and probe him instead of stopping to observe and see if he was getting better.
'I'm pretty sure that, if the founders were brought back today, they'd unequivocally assert medical care as a logical consequence of the principles of the Declaration of Independence.'
I'm not sure of this. Benjamin Rush, maybe. He believed the government should support hospitals despite otherwise being a conservative. Jefferson and Madison would have reacted much as the modern Republicans are doing now, likely with every bit as many lies. Most people forget Thomas Jefferson hired a French Revolutionary propagandist to start a private newspaper to make fun of George Washington and accuse Alexander Hamilton of wanting to be Napoleon. Truth was no more an integral tool of the political opposition in those days than ours. Alexander Hamilton would probably support it, but plenty of the other founders would probably oppose it just because Hamilton supported it.
'Of course, they were liberals, so you have to allow for some windage.'
Liberals who believed only white males who owned property should be citizens. It's really dangerous to invoke the founders in the health care debate. They probably would have been, overall, against health care reform. At the same time, our concept of who really deserves to be a full member of society has changed an awful lot since their day and their opinions should not necessarily matter on this question.
In fact, they almost definitely should not.
There has always been an extreme disconnect between the news and commentary pages of the WSJ. The former deliver solid economic news, filtered to some extent by the views of Wall St. but rarely to a larger extent than burying the lede; the op-ed pages have in my memory always been an antpile of hideous commentary. I recall reading an article there a few years ago that called for a return to the Cold War because then at least it was clear who the enemy was and the threat of nuclear annihilation just made everybody afraid, which was good.
Thanks for continuing to post, A.L. I read your writings with interest and find them informing and sometimes even enlightening.
EclecticRadical,
Your comments are, of course, well-taken. Let me just say that, if I can wish to bring them back to life, I can trivially give them an understanding and appreciation of modern social structure.
Note a coupel of wingnut assumptions in Napolitano's piece. One implicit assumption is that the health care reform proposals would regulate the practice of medicine. They don't, they regulate insurance. Maybe you could aregue that the founders thought the practice of medicine wasn't "commerce," but you sure aren't going to find any evidence that they didn't regard selling insurance as "commerce."
His other assumption is that health care reform has to be justified under the federal government's limited regulatory powers. Whie Art. I Sec. * confers on limited regulatyory powers, it also confers a broad power to spend money for "the general welfare"--Congress can buy things it can't regulate. And, when the federal government buys things, it ca put terms and conditions on what it is willing to pay for.
AL- you have cited Orin Kerr with approval on at least a couple of occasions in the past. I assume that you agree with me that he is a person who prides himself on intellectual integrity, honesty and fairness. Kerr is offended by people who engage in gross over-simplification or distortion for the purposes of scoring political points. Moreover, and this is what makes him a particular rarity among bloggers (though, I would note, not among VC bloggers), he is particularly offended when this is done by people who share his own general conservative/libertarian bent.
So here are my questions for you. First, can you identify someone on the left who is comparable to Professor Kerr in these respects? Someone who is as ready, or more ready, to skewer intellectual dishonesty or over-simplicity when it comes from his or her own side of the political spectrum? Or, for that matter, can you give an example where you have gone after such behavior yourself?
Second, do you really think that it is consistent with the spirit in which Kerr offers these comments to then use them to attack the entire WSJ? I seriously doubt that it is the job of the editorial page to screen out the kind of errors of opinion that we are talking about with respect to Napolitano’s piece.
For example, I imagine that someone could (and probably will) make the argument that it is unconstitutional to exclude illegal aliens from receiving benefits under the health reform bill. Lets assume (probably correctly) that such a claim is very unlikely to succeed, based on existing precedent and the current composition of the Supreme Court. If a lawyer advocating such a claim were to write an editorial in favor of his position, it is virtually certain that he would engage in some selective citations or questionable interpretations of authority designed to convince a lay audience that his legal position is stronger than it actually is. Clearly no editorial page is going to stop him from doing that. Maybe there is some line that the editorial staff has a duty to police, but do you have any objective basis for saying that the WSJ failed to do that in this case?
MLS,
You really baffle me. You act like you've been in a coma for 70 years. The WSJ editorial page is notorious for having no editorial standards at all. Search the archives here and you'll see numerous examples of editorials and op-eds in the WSJ blatantly and intentionally misstating facts. In my experience, there is no worse offender out there, on the left or right.
Moreover, there's a HUGE difference between advocacy and lying. All lawyers know that. When you're in court, you marshall the law in the most favorable way possible for your client, but you can't just blatantly misstate the facts and holdings of cases. Napolitano would be held in contempt if he submitted a brief making the argument he did in the op-ed.
As for your question about Kerr, I can only assume you don't read very many blogs. First and most obviously, nearly ever left-leaning law professor who blogs (and there are many) uses the same style as Kerr. They frequently point out when people on their own "side" are making weak/incorrect legal arguments. See, for example, Jack Balkin, Mike Dorf, virtually everyone who blogs at Balkinization, etc.
Moreover, while I frequently use a different tone that Kerr (because I'm trying to be a political commentator, not a professional legal academic), I too (along with most liberal bloggers) am more than willing to call out false or misleading arguments coming from the left and have done so here many times. Again, look in the archives.
I fully admit that my focus is on debunking right-wing lies, but that's to be expected, especially given we live in a political world where right wing commentators are much more willing to intentionally lie and mislead people, especially lately (I know you don't accept this, but it's staring you in the face nonetheless).
In fact, if you can find a left-wing legal op-ed as far off the mark factually as Napolitano's (that's published in a major publication), I will devote a post to critiquing it. Fair enough?
@rea
One of the tragic mis-steps of this healthcare debate by the Obama administration is framing it as healthcare reform. If it were to be more accurately addressed as health insurance reform then this kind of conflation would be much more obvious to everyone.
One goes to a physician not to engage in commercial activity, as the Framers of the Constitution understood, but to improve one's health.
I actually think he's right about this one. I've been to the doctor many times and haven't been asked to be in a commercial once. Hell, I don't even use the commercial lane at the bank, just in case Congress shows up and starts trying to regulate my bank account.
So I don't see what the problem is. Doctors are doctors and commercials are commercials and never the twain shall meet.
As other comments have stated, the WSJ editorial page has not even been within shouting distance of reality for many, many years. I can't say whether it has gotten worse since whosis took over because I stopped reading it about ten years ago, but then it was just awful. It would be difficult to get worse.
Having said that, I was always happy with their news people who seemed to be competent and able to dig deep into stories. But that has changed somewhat since whosis bought the paper for his collection.
…the WSJ editorial page has not even been within shouting distance of reality for many, many years
I… I can't believe I'm agreeing with an Aggie! Gig 'em.
My sharpest memory of my Dad was of him sitting in his favorite chair in the living room and reading the WSJ. He would be deeply disappointed if he were around today. He was not a fan of Newt.
Health Insurance is frequently a multi-state endeavour. Aetna isn't limited to one State. Nor is Cigna.
Treatment can be, too. Especially in places like St. Louis, Tahoe or New York city. Where one doctor is in one local and the other practices in a second local across the very close state line.
Then we have those huge hospital chains. HCA has 191 hospitals and 82 surgery centers in twenty-three states PLUS England and Switzerland.
So, I don't know where this goofball author is coming from. But it's not from reality.
"If it were to be more accurately addressed as health insurance reform..."
Therein lies a conumdrum. First, he does sometimes refer to it that way; I think his innate honesty compels him do do so. But he campaigned on "health care reform" and so he has to keep returning to a use of that term, even when what he is proposing has nothing whatever to do with health care. The resulting flip flop between the two terms can be a bit confusing, to say the least.
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