THE MISSING ARGUMENT: What the Obama Campaign Isn't Saying About the Surge But Should Be
There's a rapidly congealing conventional wisdom in the media about the "surge" which can be summarized as follows: 1) the surge is largely responsible for the improved situation on the ground in Iraq, and 2) the success of the surge--which McCain supported and Obama did not--has created a situation where Obama, with the support of the Iraqi government, can responsibly call for a 16 month timetable for withdrawal. Or as those carrying slightly more water for McCain put it, because of McCain's good judgment about the surge, we're now getting close to a point where we can claim victory and go home.
The reason this argument has so quickly become the conventional wisdom in Washington is, in large part, because Obama and his surrogates have done a miserable job of pushing back on it. And that is to some extent understandable. The situation in Iraq, though not great, has improved to a greater degree than anyone thought possible just last year. And while much of that improvement is attributable to factors other than the surge itself (such as the Sunni Awakening, the standing down of the Sadr militia, and the "success" of ethnic cleansing efforts in Baghdad), these are very difficult arguments to make in a soundbite format, especially without seeming to unfairly diminish the accomplishments of our troops--something Obama and his surrogates most certainly want to avoid doing.
It's not surprising, therefore, that when confronted about the apparent success of the surge, the typical response by Obama folks--including the candidate himself--is to praise the troops for their good work and then change the subject to who had better judgment about going to war in the first place.
But every time I see Obama or one of his surrogates respond this way, I feel like throwing my remote control through my television because there's a potent argument that is not being made.
The American Prospect just published an important article in which ten Iraq experts weighed in on the success of the surge. These experts said a number of things, but the one thing they all seemed to agree on is this: a major catalyst (perhaps THE major catalyst) for the improvement of the situation in Iraq was the credible threat of the withdrawal of U.S. troops occasioned by the lead up to and the results of the 2006 mid-term election. It was the threat of withdrawal that motivated the Sunnis in Anbar to reassess their strategy and ultimately switch allegiances. And it was the threat of withdrawal that motivated the Maliki government to take a number of the constructive steps it has taken. Defense Secretary Gates has made this very point on several occasions. And here's how the National Intelligence Estimate last year described the situation in Anbar province:
The reason this argument has so quickly become the conventional wisdom in Washington is, in large part, because Obama and his surrogates have done a miserable job of pushing back on it. And that is to some extent understandable. The situation in Iraq, though not great, has improved to a greater degree than anyone thought possible just last year. And while much of that improvement is attributable to factors other than the surge itself (such as the Sunni Awakening, the standing down of the Sadr militia, and the "success" of ethnic cleansing efforts in Baghdad), these are very difficult arguments to make in a soundbite format, especially without seeming to unfairly diminish the accomplishments of our troops--something Obama and his surrogates most certainly want to avoid doing.
It's not surprising, therefore, that when confronted about the apparent success of the surge, the typical response by Obama folks--including the candidate himself--is to praise the troops for their good work and then change the subject to who had better judgment about going to war in the first place.
But every time I see Obama or one of his surrogates respond this way, I feel like throwing my remote control through my television because there's a potent argument that is not being made.
The American Prospect just published an important article in which ten Iraq experts weighed in on the success of the surge. These experts said a number of things, but the one thing they all seemed to agree on is this: a major catalyst (perhaps THE major catalyst) for the improvement of the situation in Iraq was the credible threat of the withdrawal of U.S. troops occasioned by the lead up to and the results of the 2006 mid-term election. It was the threat of withdrawal that motivated the Sunnis in Anbar to reassess their strategy and ultimately switch allegiances. And it was the threat of withdrawal that motivated the Maliki government to take a number of the constructive steps it has taken. Defense Secretary Gates has made this very point on several occasions. And here's how the National Intelligence Estimate last year described the situation in Anbar province:
“[F]earing a Coalition withdrawal, some tribal elements and Sunni groups probably will continue to seek accommodation with the Coalition to strengthen themselves for a post- Coalition security environment”
And that's exactly what happened. In other words, had it not been for the pressure put on the Bush administration by Democrats like Obama, much of the improvement we've seen in Iraq would likely not have happened. Or to put it yet another way, had everyone followed John McCain's lead and endorsed an indefinite occupation, there is little chance that the situation would have improved. The relevant actors, particularly the Sunni leaders in Anbar, would simply not have been sufficiently motivated.
This is the point that Obama and his surrogates should be making in every interview, not only because it's correct, but because it is simple to understand and it underscores what Obama has being saying all along, i.e., that without the credible threat of withdrawal, the Iraqis will not be sufficiently motivated to do what needs to be done to stabilize the country. This is a direct, non-defensive response to questions about the success of the surge that highlights the real policy differences between Obama and McCain. And this response also has the benefit of not calling into question the accomplishments of the troops on the ground. The point is that the threat of withdrawal created the conditions under which the troops could succeed.
So let's review. When asked whether McCain showed better judgment than Obama in supporting the surge, here's the way all Obama surrogates should respond:
This is the point that Obama and his surrogates should be making in every interview, not only because it's correct, but because it is simple to understand and it underscores what Obama has being saying all along, i.e., that without the credible threat of withdrawal, the Iraqis will not be sufficiently motivated to do what needs to be done to stabilize the country. This is a direct, non-defensive response to questions about the success of the surge that highlights the real policy differences between Obama and McCain. And this response also has the benefit of not calling into question the accomplishments of the troops on the ground. The point is that the threat of withdrawal created the conditions under which the troops could succeed.
So let's review. When asked whether McCain showed better judgment than Obama in supporting the surge, here's the way all Obama surrogates should respond:
Not at all. While it's certainly true that the situation in Iraq has improved and that our troops have performed brilliantly there, there's a crucial element to the equation that John McCain and his supporters are deliberately ignoring. The turning point in Iraq was not the decision to implement a "surge," but rather the 2006 midterm election in which the American people made it clear that they rejected the Bush/McCain policy of indefinite occupation. It was the credible threat of the withdrawal of U.S. forces that motivated the Sunni leaders in Anbar province to turn on al Qaeda and cooperate with our troops. And that's exactly why Senator Obama has long been in favor of setting a timetable for withdrawal. It's the only way to sufficiently motivate the Iraqis to take the steps necessary to achieve political reconciliation. Had it not been for the leadership of Senator Obama and others in Congress in pushing for the establishment of a timetable for withdrawal, the conditions in Iraq would not have been ripe for the kind of success we've seen lately. And conversely, had we all listened to John McCain--who until very recently was talking about staying in Iraq for 100 years--it's unlikely that we'd have seen any of the success that we have over the last year. But don't take my word for it, Defense Secretary Gates has noted on several occasions that the debate in Congress, specifically the loud calls for timetables, have had a positive impact on the situation in Iraq. And that was the conclusion of the Iraq NIE as well. Senator Obama's judgment--both about whether to invade Iraq in the first place and about how to proceed after the invasion--has consistently proved to be superior to Senator McCain's.Was that so hard?



12 Comments:
Respectfully, your response is too long. It is probably correct, but it is impossible to reduce to a soundbite and therefore not useful in today's media environment. Obama has responded in a number of detailed and nuanced ways that are also correct, and are also too long for our msm to consider.
One of Obama's great strengths is that he, unlike many Dems, is able to condense complex ideas into 2-3 sentence soundbites.
And while much of that improvement is attributable to factors other than the surge itself (such as the Sunni Awakening...
If reality is allowed to intrude, folks will pick up on the fact that the surge strategy included building on and reinforcing the Anbar Awakening. Here is Bush announcing the surge in his Jan 2007 speech:
Our military forces in Anbar are killing and capturing al Qaeda leaders, and they are protecting the local population. Recently, local tribal leaders have begun to show their willingness to take on al Qaeda. And as a result, our commanders believe we have an opportunity to deal a serious blow to the terrorists. So I have given orders to increase American forces in Anbar Province by 4,000 troops. These troops will work with Iraqi and tribal forces to keep up the pressure on the terrorists. America's men and women in uniform took away al Qaeda's safe haven in Afghanistan -- and we will not allow them to re-establish it in Iraq.
And Petraeus (and others) have said that the Awakening preceded the surge (and helped inspire it, actually) but the additional US troops did reinforce it and help it spread; from the Times:
No less an authority than Gen. David H. Petraeus, the top commander in Iraq, testified before Congress this spring that the Awakening “started before the surge, but then was very much enabled by the surge.”
So separating the Awakening from the surge is pretty artificial. Same with the stand-down of the Mahdi Army, which IIRC was expalined at the time as an unwillingness on his part to engage US troops and instead wait them out - would a fixed withdrawal strategy have had the same effect? Or was his decision to stand down really totally separate from an increased US troops presence? Sort of like add more cops and crime drops but there is no connection?
Tom Maguire
Yes, brilliant. Especially if you want to see articles and ads saying "Obama claims our success in Iraq owes to him and Nancy Pelosi, not to General Petraeus and the troops." Which is exactly what he would be saying if he took your advice.
MLS, if you'll notice, my advice was directed at Obama surrogates, not Obama himself. He, of course, has to be much more careful in what he says lest it be spun the way you suggest. Still, though, there's room for him to argue that the credible threat of withdrawal helped motivate Iraqis and create the conditions that allowed for our troops to succeed.
Tom,
I agree with you that it's hard to disentangle the increased troop level from the other factors that led to improvement. It's hard to know, for instance, how the Sunni Awakening would have proceeded had we not put more troops in. Considering very few of the "surge" troops actually went to Anbar, though, most experts I've read seem to think that the situation in Anbar would likely have improved significantly with or without the "surge." Predicting how the Mahdi Army would have acted, though, is a much harder question.
Like I said, this whole line of argument is too murky and very difficult to make without seeming to diminish the accomplishments of our troops. That's why I'm suggesting Obama's surrogates follow my advice.
I feel compelled to suggest that the surge actually did contribute to the various parties' urge for accommodation, because it made it obvious that the US was finally getting serious about withdrawing troops.
Sure, there were going to be an additional few brigades, for a while, but the strategy telegraphed the intention to draw down troops after that, not merely to pre-surge levels, but further.
Combined with (or, more accurately, due to) congressional pressure for a significant redeployment, this, I suspect, convinced the Iraqi factions that we were serious, and they'd better start planning for a post-occupation Iraq.
Here's the rub: one of the most important things in planning for a future struggle is to build up your arms and preserve your fighters. So the reduction in violence, the Mahdi Army ceasefire, especially the "Anbar awakening", all can be clearly seen to be preparation for when the USA does draw down its forces.
Timetable or no, if the US military is likely going to be effectively out of the picture in the next couple of years, the factions in Iraq are going to wait and build up their forces.
This is because there truly is no political settlement in Iraq that is sustainable. That was true before the surge, and it is equally true today. The lack of Oil revenue sharing, the partition of Baghdad, infiltration of the Iraqi army and police by the militias -- non of those problems have gone away, and they will drive Iraq to conflict when the factions see an opportunity.
A more concise way of approaching this might be to draw a dichotomy between reduction in violence and political reconciliation. Obama can't call the surge a success because it has not been a success based on the measurement instruments provided by Bush, Patreaus, and McCain - I believe they are all on record saying the ultimate purpose of the surge is political movement. Thus, Obama can say the troops have performed their duty (reducing violence) but the Bush administration has not performed its duty in working behind the scenes to pressure the Iraqis to make some movement. This can undoubtedly be hammered into a 3 sentence rebuttal that will be digested by those who fear the complicated.
Eric
Eric, the problem with approaching the question that way is that there actually has been some progress on the political front lately. As every GOP surrogate points out, a recent report found that the Iraqi government had met something like 15 out 18 of the proposed benchmarks. Moreover, if you approach the issue that way, I think you risk sounding overly negative and pessimistic, which doesn't always play well. What I like about the approach I've suggested above is that it concedes that progress has been made, but underscores that it would not have been possible had Obama and others not been pushing for the establishment of a timetable. In other words, it validates Obama's judgment and calls into question McCain's.
Like I said, this whole line of argument is too murky and very difficult to make without seeming to diminish the accomplishments of our troops.
My official editorial position is that as long as Obama can push a withdrawal as responsible *now*, the rest hardly matters - most of the public wants peace with honor and won't be inclined to quibble.
However, I am happy to quibble! It may well be the case that it was the coupling of a credible threat to withdraw eventually combined with additional US troops immediately that pushed people our way. But Obama put forward legislation calling for a substantial withdrawal starting in Jan 2007 and finished by Mar 2008.
So what does he say, hey, I was only playing the bad cop, thank heaven no one actually implemented my proposal?
From the Aug 2007 NIE:
Sunni Arab resistance to AQI has expanded, and neighborhood security groups, occasionally consisting of mixed Shia-Sunni units, have proliferated in the past several
months. These trends, combined with increased Coalition operations, have eroded AQI’s operational presence and capabilities in some areas.
Here we go from the Jan 2007 NIE, released on Feb 2 2007 after the surge was announced and Obama's withdrawal plan put forward:
Coalition capabilities, including force levels, resources, and operations, remain an essential stabilizing element in Iraq. If Coalition forces were withdrawn rapidly during the term of this Estimate, we judge that this almost certainly would lead to a significant increase in the scale and scope of sectarian conflict in Iraq, intensify Sunni resistance to the Iraqi Government, and have adverse consequences for national reconciliation.
Well, at least we can be sure Obama won't slavishly follow the notions of the intelligence community. But as of the time he put his proposal forward the best guess of the intel community was that the civil war would worsen.
Tom Maguire
So what does he say, hey, I was only playing the bad cop, thank heaven no one actually implemented my proposal?
No, I think what he says is that he's always believed that a necessary catalyst for improvement in Iraq is for the United States to make clear that it plans to pull its troops out of Iraq in the near term--whether or not the Iraqis get their act together. That doesn't mean that Obama wouldn't reserve the right to reassess or push back that date of withdrawal based on conditions on the ground. From a policy perspective, though, what's important is the message that we send to the Iraqis. That's what John McCain failed to understand in 2006 and still fails to understand. None of this would have been possible if everyone approached the issue the way he did. He is in a position now to claim that his surge was succesful because of the efforts of people like Obama who managed to send the right message to the Iraqis, despite the resistance of McCain and the Bush administration.
a.l.,
i guess from reading people like juan cole regularly I have a rather pessimistic view of the whole situation. I've never seen 15 of 18 stated and then backed up other than to say "partial fulfillment of benchmark." Is there any real backing for that? or has the msm just accepted it based on repetition? You are likely right about the negativity aspect. However, reality includes a look at the situation in Kirkuk and larger Kurdistan and the brewing difficulties there. Further, Basra is still a mess from what I am reading. there is no oil contract, no election law, etc. What I am most concerned about is obama being cogent in his talking point and also presenting reality to the public. However, the way you have worded your response, I must concede, is quite skillful. And, I'm not sure the public needs to know the reality, since it is not easily explainable. Your position, if pared down, gives obama the punch he needs against McCain who is just tirelessly fabricating points about every possible issue at this juncture.
Eric
Yes, yes, YES! Very thoughtful response, and I admit it's something that I have been struggling with too. The "in the first place" response makes sense on its face, but it loses its rhetorical and argumentative force. Not that "the surge" is all that better a line, but it's something short and sweet that can be pounded into a voter's head. Republicans bank on that -- the repetition of the simple message -- just as much as the misinformation itself.
Post a Comment
Links to this post:
Create a Link
<< Home