Some Thoughts on the Heller Case
There's been a lot of commentary today about the meaning and ramifications of the Supreme Court's landmark Second Amendment decision in District of Columbia v. Heller. There's one very basic point, however, that everyone seems to be ignoring: the decision doesn't necessary apply to state governments.
The Court held that the Second Amendment forbids the federal government--of which the District of Columbia is a part--from unreasonably restricting one's right to bear arms. As most people who've had to suffer through a constitutional law course remember, the Bill of Rights did not originally apply to state governments, just the federal government. Rather, through a series of post-Civil War Supreme Court decisions, most rights enumerated in the Bill of Rights were found to have been "incorporated" through the Fourteenth Amendment (which is specifically directed at the states) so as to apply to state and local governments. That's why, for instance, when you're challenging an improper search made by a state official (i.e., a cop) you have to assert that the search violated the defendant's "Fourth and Fourteenth Amendment rights."
But not all rights contained in the Bill of Rights are "incorporated" rights. Indeed, several Supreme Court cases have held that the Second Amendment was not incorporated by the Fourteenth Amendment. And here's what Scalia's majority opinion in Heller has to say on that point (footnote 23 on page 48):
It will be interesting to see what lower courts choose to do on this issue. It will be an unavoidable threshold issue in all challenges to state gun laws, of which there will now be many. I suspect we'll soon see a circuit split develop, with some courts holding that the Second Amendment doesn't apply to state governments and others holding that it does. The Supreme Court will then have to revisit the issue and resolve the split.
As to the merits of the decision itself, I'm somewhat torn. On the one hand, I find it more than a little hypocritical that conservatives are lavishing such praise on a decision that is quite clearly an example of the sort of "judicial activism" they supposedly deplore. Here we have the court recognizing an individual right to own a kind of firearm that didn't even exist at the time the Second Amendment was written and thereby overturning a local law that has been in effect for many decades and was enacted democratically in order to deal with very real local problems. Which goes to show that conservatives don't really have a problem with judicial activism per se, they just like some rights (property and gun rights in particular) more than others.
On the other hand, I think the Court's reading of the Second Amendment is a plausible one (though other interpretations are plausible too), and I think the practical effects of this decision will be minimal. The gun control debate has for years been diminishing in importance at the national level. The advocates of strict gun control have all but conceded defeat. With the exemption of assault weapons, no one is really trying to ban the possession of guns. D.C.'s law was the exemption, not the rule.
If anything, this decision may serve to move the gun control debate further into the background by providing some reassurance to the NRA crowd that their right to own a gun isn't hanging precariously in the balance during every election. I'm sure that Republicans and the NRA will still try to convince these folks that Democrats want to take away their guns, but perhaps that particular scare tactic will lose at least some of its resonance now.
The Court held that the Second Amendment forbids the federal government--of which the District of Columbia is a part--from unreasonably restricting one's right to bear arms. As most people who've had to suffer through a constitutional law course remember, the Bill of Rights did not originally apply to state governments, just the federal government. Rather, through a series of post-Civil War Supreme Court decisions, most rights enumerated in the Bill of Rights were found to have been "incorporated" through the Fourteenth Amendment (which is specifically directed at the states) so as to apply to state and local governments. That's why, for instance, when you're challenging an improper search made by a state official (i.e., a cop) you have to assert that the search violated the defendant's "Fourth and Fourteenth Amendment rights."
But not all rights contained in the Bill of Rights are "incorporated" rights. Indeed, several Supreme Court cases have held that the Second Amendment was not incorporated by the Fourteenth Amendment. And here's what Scalia's majority opinion in Heller has to say on that point (footnote 23 on page 48):
With respect to [the nineteenth-century case of U.S. v.] Cruikshank's continuing validity on incorporation, a question not presented by this case, we note that Cruikshank also said that the First Amendment did not apply against the States and did not engage in the sort of Fourteenth Amendment inquiry required by our later cases. Our later decisions in Presser v. Illinois (1886) and Miller v. Texas (1894) reaffirmed that the Second Amendment applies only to the Federal Government.As Dale Carpenter notes, that's a bit of a schizophrenic footnote. While the Court makes clear that the question of incorporation is not presented in Heller itself (because the case involves D.C. and not a state), the first sentence seems to suggest that prior precedent on the issues is stale and of questionable validity. The second sentence, however, states quite plainly that subsequent decisions have held that the Second Amendment applies only to the federal government.
It will be interesting to see what lower courts choose to do on this issue. It will be an unavoidable threshold issue in all challenges to state gun laws, of which there will now be many. I suspect we'll soon see a circuit split develop, with some courts holding that the Second Amendment doesn't apply to state governments and others holding that it does. The Supreme Court will then have to revisit the issue and resolve the split.
As to the merits of the decision itself, I'm somewhat torn. On the one hand, I find it more than a little hypocritical that conservatives are lavishing such praise on a decision that is quite clearly an example of the sort of "judicial activism" they supposedly deplore. Here we have the court recognizing an individual right to own a kind of firearm that didn't even exist at the time the Second Amendment was written and thereby overturning a local law that has been in effect for many decades and was enacted democratically in order to deal with very real local problems. Which goes to show that conservatives don't really have a problem with judicial activism per se, they just like some rights (property and gun rights in particular) more than others.
On the other hand, I think the Court's reading of the Second Amendment is a plausible one (though other interpretations are plausible too), and I think the practical effects of this decision will be minimal. The gun control debate has for years been diminishing in importance at the national level. The advocates of strict gun control have all but conceded defeat. With the exemption of assault weapons, no one is really trying to ban the possession of guns. D.C.'s law was the exemption, not the rule.
If anything, this decision may serve to move the gun control debate further into the background by providing some reassurance to the NRA crowd that their right to own a gun isn't hanging precariously in the balance during every election. I'm sure that Republicans and the NRA will still try to convince these folks that Democrats want to take away their guns, but perhaps that particular scare tactic will lose at least some of its resonance now.



9 Comments:
that is quite clearly an example of the sort of "judicial activism" they supposedly deplore.
What makes this activism? The Second Amendment is in the Constitution.
The criticism of judicial activism is that judges make things up and pretend it is really there when it plainly isn't. For example, there is no Abortion Clause of the Constitution.
"Judicial activism" is when a ruling upsets established precedent, such as ignoring about 70 years of precedents interpreting the 2nd amendment.
Having said that, I think it's clear that the framers intended the populace to be armed (with the premier weapon of the day, a flintlock musket) as a check on the federal government. Whether owning a revolver will protect you against even the local sheriff is a question you can answer for yourselves, but I will note that SWAT is typically armed with modern automatic weapons, making that revolver most useful in committing police-assisted suicide.
What arms the federal government has to oppress the citizens makes a revolver less effective than spitting.
In short, this is characteristic of a post-democratic society: adherence to the letter of the law, while ignoring the intentions of the framers.
What makes this activism? The Second Amendment is in the Constitution.
Yeah, and it's not at all obvious that the Second Amendment bestows an individual right to own handguns (which didn't even exist at the time the document was written). For 200+ years, the Second Amendment was interpreted NOT to bestow an individual right (much less an individual right to handguns). Yet the Court overturned that interpretation and by doing so invalidated a number of democratically-implemented laws that had been on the books for decades.
Again, I'm not saying that means the decision is wrong, but it's certainly activism by any definition that conservatives use. The same would have been true of the Kelo decision had it gone the way conservatives wanted it to.
My point is that "judicial activism" is a stupid concept. The reality is that conservatives like it when the court steps in to protect things they like (property rights, gun rights, etc.) and don't like it when the court steps in to protect things they don't like (abortion rights, gay rights, rights of the accused, etc.).
I agree that conservatives are sometimes guilty of supporting judicial outcomes that they would decry as “judicial activism” if they did not like the results. (Bush v. Gore is no doubt an example of this, even though, IMO, the Court’s action in that case is not fairly described as judicial activism.) Would you acknowledge that liberals sometimes support “constitutional rights” (take the right to abortion) because they like the results rather than because of any objective reason that can be found in the Constitution itself?
The Heller case, however, is not a fair illustration of your point. If one were to object to a decision holding that the Second Amendment protects an individual’s right to keep and bear arms as “judicial activism,” the term “judicial activism” would have no meaning whatsoever. Put another way, if one thought that Justice Scalia’s opinion in Heller constituted “judicial activism” because there are “plausible arguments” contained in Justice Stevens’s dissent, then one would really be opposed to judicial review entirely.
The closest analogy that I can think of would be the flag burning case. The arguments in favor of the constitutionality of the flag burning statute were at least as plausible as those in the Heller dissent, but that doesn’t mean that it would be fair to decry (as some people did) the majority opinion as “judicial activism.” It would be unreasonable to deny that the flag burning statute raised a serious question under the First Amendment, even if it was not necessarily unreasonable to conclude that the question should ultimately be resolved in favor of the statute’s constitutionality. And the link between the flag burning decision and the text of the First Amendment is rather more attenuated than that between the Heller decision and the text of the Second Amendment.
If the Constitution said that the right to an abortion shall not be infringed, then it would be hypocritical for conservatives to call Roe v. Wade “judicial activism,” while approving the Heller decision. But of course the Constitution does not say that, or anything remotely similar.
It seems to me that the term “judicial activism” is intended to refer to exercises of judicial power (such as establishing the right to an abortion) which are not reasonably grounded in the Constitution. If you think that the concept of “judicial activism” is stupid, what do you say when liberals call Bush v. Gore “judicial activism?”
Of course, you may believe that there is simply no way of distinguishing between exercises of judicial power that are reasonably grounded in the Constitution and those that are not. If that is the case, you should oppose judicial review, at least as it is practiced in our country today.
Funny how some self-proclaimed "liberals" will wring their hand and decry that the 2nd ammendment does not apply to personal guns.
Yet these same "liberals" will support the decimation of the 4th ammendment and retroactive telecom immunity
This is a much more dangerous precedent - now the POTUS can proclaim "if the president says its legal, it's not against the law."
obama is just another lying liar, representing the same corporate interests. His role is to fool the public that we will see change and then pick up where the chimp left off:
*continuing Iraq war
*maintaining the fake "war on terror" (yes, 9/11 was an inside job)
*using scare tactics to undermine constitution
*enable the continued looting of the federal treasury by the military-industrial complex
*restart the Social Security bamboozle - it will be a DEMOCRAT that destoys it (just like it took a democrat to undermine welfare).
But he has "concerns" over this one, huh?
Liberals and conservatives alike often misconstrue the role of the Court. The Supremes are not tasked with determining if a particular law is good public policy. Allowing private citizens to own firearms may be a social good (as I believe) or a social ill, but all the Court is asked is whether or not a given law is constitutionally permissible.
For example, banning Stalinists or neo-Nazis from speaking or writing might have certain salubrious effects on society--but such a law would not pass constitutional muster. Striking down such a law would not indicate that the Justices favored Nazism or the Gulag, it would simply mean that the first amendment prohibited interfering with the peaceful exercise of free speech.
Having said that, it is self-evidently true that both the Scalia and Stephens wings of the Court have distinct political agendas masquerading as judicial philosopies.
In this particular decision, Scalia exhibited great eloquence and extraordinarily sound reasoning--but only because the text of the constitution and the clear historical record supported his position. When he disagrees with the political result of a law or the behavior therein proscribed (e.g. medical marijuana in California, or gay sex...anywhere), he will happily throw the constitution in the dust bin for his own purposes.
Unilaterally abrogating provisions of the Bill of Rights (either because we consider them to be antiquated, anomalous, or simply poor public policy) is a very dangerous game. The court's willingness to do so in other areas has made us much less secure in our "persons, houses, papers, and effects". It has opened our private affairs to dangerous levels of government scrutiny and intrusion. It has vastly centralized police power in ways that would have horrified the Founders. And it has resulted in a metastasized federal government that is rapidly approaching black-hole proportions--sucking in and extinguishing the very productivity upon which it depends for its survival.
That's why, even if you favor a government monopoly on violence, you should celebrate the Heller ruling.
As an aside, the 9th amendment explicitly states that, "The enumeration in the Constitution of certain rights shall not be construed to deny or disparage OTHERS retained by the people (my emphasis of course.)
So-called conservative judges simply throw up their hands and proclaim that they have no idea what this provision means. Even so-called liberals are afraid to touch the 9th amendment, and resort to constitutional "emanations" and "penumbras". In fact, the Founders were nearly universally exponents of Natural Rights theory.
Natural rights theory suggests that human beings are born with certain inalianable rights that cannot be legislated away and are not dependant upon the results of any election. These liberty rights (which are variously mentioned in the text of the Constitution), include the right to use one's body, one's time, and one's property in any way that does not directly threaten the like liberty rights of others.
This post proves why the author of this blog is anonymous and liberal.!!
And the worst part, you claim tht you actually know constitutional law.
Here is a witticism from Scalia for ignorant liberals just like you
"A purposive qualifying phrase that contradicts the word or phrase it modifies is unknown this side of the looking glass (except, apparently, in some courses on Linguistics). If “bear arms” means, as we think, simply the carrying of arms, a modifier can limit the purpose of the carriage (“for the purpose of selfdefense” or “to make war against the King”). But if “bear arms” means, as the petitioners and the dissent think, the carrying of arms only for military purposes, one simply cannot add “for the purpose of killing game.” The right “to carry arms in the militia for the purpose of killing game” is worthy of the mad hatter."
In your stupid liberal face !! You liberals need to learn the English language before we ask the Mexicans to do it !
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