Words I Hope Are Heartfelt
With the official announcement that the President has nominated Michael Mukasey to be the next Attorney General, a number of bloggers and commentators have begun to scrutinize his writings. In particular, this 2004 Wall Street op-ed defending the Patriot Act has received quite a bit of attention.
Mukasey argues in the op-ed that the Patriot Act isn't nearly as sinister or draconian as many of its critics would have you believe. Though there are some provisions of the act (particularly those governing the use of National Security Letters) that could stand to be improved, I think Mukasey is generally right. Most provisions in the Patriot Act are perfectly reasonable (and in some cases long overdue), and much of the hysteria over that statute is misplaced, at least in my opinion.
But it's another part of the op-ed I want to focus on. Toward the end of the piece, Mukasey writes:
You have to be careful, of course, not to read too much into what people write, particularly when it is stated in the form of vague principles, not concrete policies. But Mukasey's perspective on these issues is undoubtedly informed by his long tenure as a federal judge. And that makes me at least cautiously optimistic that he appreciates the important constitutional role that the legislative and judicial branches have to play even when it comes to issues of national security. If I'm right, Mukasey will be a huge improvement over his predecessor.
Mukasey argues in the op-ed that the Patriot Act isn't nearly as sinister or draconian as many of its critics would have you believe. Though there are some provisions of the act (particularly those governing the use of National Security Letters) that could stand to be improved, I think Mukasey is generally right. Most provisions in the Patriot Act are perfectly reasonable (and in some cases long overdue), and much of the hysteria over that statute is misplaced, at least in my opinion.
But it's another part of the op-ed I want to focus on. Toward the end of the piece, Mukasey writes:
As we participate in this debate on what is the right course to pursue, I think it is important to remember an interesting structural feature of the Constitution we all revere. When we speak of constitutional rights, we generally speak of rights that appear not in the original Constitution itself, but rather in amendments to the Constitution--principally the first 10. Those amendments are a noble work, but it is the rest of the Constitution--the boring part--the part that sets up a bicameral legislature and separation of powers, and so on, the part you will never see mentioned in any flyer or hear at any rally, that guarantees that the rights referred to in those 10 amendments are worth something more than the paper they are written on.What I take Mukasey to mean here is that our bill of rights is essentially meaningless without a robust system of checks and balances. To take an obvious example, the right not to be subjected to unreasonable searches and seizures under the Fourth Amendment means very little if there is no statutory scheme in place to enforce it and the judiciary is not allowed to oversee executive conduct or provide redress to those whose rights are violated. Statutes like Title III and FISA were enacted in order to prevent the violation of Americans' Fourth Amendment rights, and court oversight is an indispensable part of the system of checks and balances that gives these rights meaning.
You have to be careful, of course, not to read too much into what people write, particularly when it is stated in the form of vague principles, not concrete policies. But Mukasey's perspective on these issues is undoubtedly informed by his long tenure as a federal judge. And that makes me at least cautiously optimistic that he appreciates the important constitutional role that the legislative and judicial branches have to play even when it comes to issues of national security. If I'm right, Mukasey will be a huge improvement over his predecessor.



4 Comments:
Well, OK, I guess. Mukasey says that the bill of rights only works if the government works properly.
And senator Cornyn adds that the bill of rights only works for a person if that person is alive.
I'm glad the nation has these wonderful learned former judges in this, our hour of constitutional crisis.
But why would an honorable person accept a job to hide crimes? We aren't going to assume he will be empowered to do his job? He is not the first AG to be hired for ability to protect, but it is certainly the most obvious attempt to prevent impeachment and obstruct justice that we have seen since nixon started using the government for criminal acts against the people.
Sorry, Mr. Leahy is correct. Why consider a nomination until we know if crimes were committed by the former, and if they were committed by the president who nominated both of these people for AG. If crimes were committed by the former, this AG is there to hide it. Do you honestly believe Cheney would install anyone that is going to do anything but what it is told?
Won't get fooled again.
Mr. Oldtree, Cheney wanted Ted Olsen not Mukasey. The rest of your logic is almost completely backwards. Leahy's not going to take any crap. If Bush wants an attorney general, he'd better (a) pick somebody that's not a toady or crony, and (b) cough up the documents. The first he's aleady done, not because he wants to but because he has to. The second he's also going to have to have to do. Gonzo was the guy that was supposed to protect the inner sanctum. He's bye bye now. Olsen would have done that too. He was D.O.A.
I sort of feel like oldtree in this. Surely, I want to believe that this AG nominee is merely a Conservative, and not a ideologue. But we the people have been fooled so many, many times in the past, to the point that at least I harbor a reflex of sorts to simply not trust anything that this administration does.
That they appear to be 'conciliatory' in this particular nominee (i.e., they appear to be sheathing their swords instead of the usual gunning for a fight) leads to that reflexive mistrust of intentions. And to priscianus, and similar to how I feel about most things done by this administration, I would not be too quick to state that Olsen was 'what Cheney wanted' anymore than I would state that warrantless wiretapping is limited 'only to those who would communicate with Al Qaeda.' I want to trust my government, but damned if they have a lot of work to do to regain that trust.
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