Richard Cohen's Insufferable Cluelessness
Can someone please explain to me why Richard Cohen continues to occupy such prime real estate in the world of political punditry? His column today is terrible even by his standards. He writes:
Moreover, the notion that merely testifying to the best of your recollection exposes you to any real risk of being prosecuted for perjury is just ludicrous. People are rarely prosecuted for lying to Congress, even in blatant cases. Indeed, a number of Goodling's superiors have already lied to Congress in connection with this very matter, and as of today, all of them are still working at the DOJ. I guarantee you they will never be prosecuted.
The precedent that supposedly validates Goodling's fear is, of course, the case of Scooter Libby. As Cohen explains:
More importantly, though--and this is something that people like Cohen just can't seem to get their heads around--Libby was not felled by his poor memory. He made up a series of elaborate lies about matters material to a criminal investigation. This was proven beyond a reasonable doubt in court. Perjury prosecutions are exceedingly rare and are only pursued in the most egregious cases, cases where there is ample evidence that a person knowingly lied about matters material to a serious investigation.
Cohen bemoans that "ordinary politics--leaking, sniping, lying, cheating, exaggerating and other forms of PG entertainment--have been so thoroughly criminalized that only a fool would appear before Congress without attempting to bargain for immunity by first invoking the Fifth Amendment." What utter rubbish. Virtually every member of the Clinton administration was hauled before Congress multiple times, almost always for the most trivial of matters. But now that Congress wishes to ask questions of DOJ officials in connection with what Cohen admits is an important matter, he writes columns encouraging officials to take the Fifth and whining about the "criminalization" of politics. The criminalization of politics? Shouldn't we be more concerned with the politicization of crime, which is what this scandal is all about? I mean, is it even possible to be have your priorities any more out of whack? And since when are "lying" and "cheating" considered "ordinary politics"?
Cohen ends his epically bad column with this:
Monica Goodling is not my kind of gal. A graduate of two schools not known for partying (Messiah College and Pat Robertson's Regent University Law School), she would not be my ideal seatmate on a long airplane flight. But for vowing to take the Fifth in the ongoing probe of why and how eight U.S. attorneys were fired, I offer her my hearty congratulations. She knows that in Washington, free speech can cost you a fortune in legal fees.How totally absurd. Does Cohen realize that if we were to accept this as a valid reason for refusing to testify, our entire system of government would grind to a halt? Simply put, it is outrageous to congratulate someone for pleading the Fifth and thereby preventing Congress from conducting its oversight responsibilities.
The standard question about Goodling is: What is she hiding? After all, until her resignation last week, Goodling was the senior counselor to Attorney General Alberto Gonzales and his liaison to the White House. She was at the center of the White House's purge of non-party party people (a pseudo-Stalinist term coined for this occasion) and so she must be hiding something. Maybe.
More likely, Goodling's problem is probably not what she's done but what she might do. If she testifies before Congress, swears to tell the truth and all of that, she will produce a record -- a transcript -- that can be used against her. If a subsequent witness later on has a different memory of what transpired, then the bloodcurdling cry of "special prosecutor" will once again be heard in the land.
Moreover, the notion that merely testifying to the best of your recollection exposes you to any real risk of being prosecuted for perjury is just ludicrous. People are rarely prosecuted for lying to Congress, even in blatant cases. Indeed, a number of Goodling's superiors have already lied to Congress in connection with this very matter, and as of today, all of them are still working at the DOJ. I guarantee you they will never be prosecuted.
The precedent that supposedly validates Goodling's fear is, of course, the case of Scooter Libby. As Cohen explains:
No lawyer is going to be thrilled about letting a client testify in today's political environment. Remember, please, that I. Lewis "Scooter" Libby was not convicted of the crime that the special prosecutor was appointed to find -- who leaked the identity of CIA operative Valerie Plame -- but of lying to a grand jury. In fact, the compulsively compulsive Patrick Fitzgerald not only knew early on who the leaker was but also that no law had been violated.As an initial matter, Cohen is just making up the facts here. By the time Patrick Fitzgerald was appointed, Libby had already lied extensively to FBI investigators. In fact, the reason a special prosecutor was deemed necessarily was because evidence suggested that high-ranking White House officials had lied to investigators. So, from the beginning, Fitzgerald's investigation focused on why officials were lying; that was integral to his mission. And the claim that Fitzgerald "knew early on" that "no law had been violated" is just not true.
More importantly, though--and this is something that people like Cohen just can't seem to get their heads around--Libby was not felled by his poor memory. He made up a series of elaborate lies about matters material to a criminal investigation. This was proven beyond a reasonable doubt in court. Perjury prosecutions are exceedingly rare and are only pursued in the most egregious cases, cases where there is ample evidence that a person knowingly lied about matters material to a serious investigation.
Cohen bemoans that "ordinary politics--leaking, sniping, lying, cheating, exaggerating and other forms of PG entertainment--have been so thoroughly criminalized that only a fool would appear before Congress without attempting to bargain for immunity by first invoking the Fifth Amendment." What utter rubbish. Virtually every member of the Clinton administration was hauled before Congress multiple times, almost always for the most trivial of matters. But now that Congress wishes to ask questions of DOJ officials in connection with what Cohen admits is an important matter, he writes columns encouraging officials to take the Fifth and whining about the "criminalization" of politics. The criminalization of politics? Shouldn't we be more concerned with the politicization of crime, which is what this scandal is all about? I mean, is it even possible to be have your priorities any more out of whack? And since when are "lying" and "cheating" considered "ordinary politics"?
Cohen ends his epically bad column with this:
In the end, though, some thought has to be given to why Monica Goodling feels obligated to take the Fifth rather than merely telling Congress what happened in the AG's office. She's no criminal -- but what could happen to her surely is.First of all, Cohen has absolutely no clue whether or not Goodling is a criminal. Odds are that she would not have invoked the Fifth and resigned had she not been worried about some sort of criminal exposure. Second, and more importantly, she would have nothing to fear--at least perjury-wise--if she simply testified candidly before Congress. It might not be a pleasant experience, but it's part of the job description. Executive branch officials have an obligation to answer questions posed by Congress in the exercise of its oversight responsibilities. That's the only way our system of government can work. That Cohen cannot see this is a testament to his insufferable cluelessness.



10 Comments:
Does anyone read Cohen, Broder, Novack, Krauthammer, or Hiatt himself, other than for the comedy value?
I'm a very regular reader of the opinions at the WaPo, but I long ago found it impossible to stomach these people's writings.
I rarely click on Will, but on occasion he produces a few sentences that indicate some kind of process resembling that of thought.
Froomkin, Dionne, Samuelson, are all very worthwhile, and Ignatius is frequently worth reading, but as for the others -- they're not worth the effort.
So let me re-iterate my question: who reads these people? Why does the WaPo, which could certainly find people with more intellectual capability (standing on a busy street asking strangers for their opinions would produce more sense than Krauthammer or Cohen), continue to support them?
For Goodling, all that's necessary is not to lie. Not breaking the law or doing anything unethical would be nice, too. Ain't it nice, though, that Cohen just magically knows Goodling isn't a criminal? Isn't it nice that Cohen just isn't interested in the truth here?
Charles, I read the WaPo every day too, and I am so with you. Really, it's spot the bad argument - shoddy in Cohen's case, disigenuous in Novak's case, partisan or outright lie in Novak's case, moonbat in Hiatt's case (he's fine if it's local, if it's anything to do with the war he's off the planet).
Being the ass I am, he gives good head?
In answer to Charles, no.
Maybe they have tenure.
AL,
I disagree with your ultimate point that for our system of government to work, Executive Branch officials need to be grilled by Congress exercising its oversight function. I can't really think of any great government success arising from Congressional committee-hearing-style oversight of the executive branch. Congress does better when it passes legislation or rejects Presidential appointments. But most committee-investigation work becomes partisan posturing time. It wastes a lot of government time and money and prevents Congress and the Executive branch from focusing on the nation's problems. Now, if you are a limited government conservative, maybe that's a good thing. You want your government tied up with Monica, Whitewater, the US Atty firings, and other investigations.
I can do without this type of oversight.
Anonymous,
Your statement that congressional investigation of the executive branch "prevents Congress and the Executive branch from focusing on the nation's problems" indicates that you may not have been paying attention.
The nation's problems for the last 4 years have largely stemmed from the operations of the Executive branch operating in defiance of checks and balances.
I have to agree with Charles (as usual), Congressional oversight is incredibly important. While it may often look like a lot of posturing, it is the fear of being hauled before Congress and subjected to that posturing which keeps the executive branch in line. It is the fear of subpoenas that keeps people from engaging in corruption and abusing their authority. The main reason the Bush administration was able to get away with as much as it did (corruption, violation of laws, politicization of everything) was because Congress sat on its duff for 6 years and abdicated all of its oversight responsibilities. That's a sure recipe for corruption, cronyism, and incompetence.
AL and Charles,
All you are doing is presenting a partisan argument -- if only Congress had kept the Bush administration in line through effective oversight, over the past six years, yadda, yadda , yadda ...
Congressional investigations, hearings, etc. are ineffective and counterproductive. We do have a check and balances system of government but this type of Congressional oversight is NOT what Madison, Hamilton and the founders had in mind.
Neither of you have yet produced an example of an effective use of this type of Congressional oversight.
The most effective activist liberal governments -- FDR, LBJ -- were not saddled, hampered by this absurd oversight ability. Its all post-Watergate that Congress has become enamored with this power. And as I imagine you all would agree, our government post-Watergate has more or less sucked.
Congressional oversight/investigations aren't worth it. They paralyze executive branch officials and waste Congresses time. Intentions -- while ocassionally nobel -- are often partisan. Nobody suffered more unjustly through this type of crap than the Clinton adminsitration. Yet still you want to preserve and augment this power. 'Tis your own partisanship and deep-seated loathing of the Bush administration that prevents you guys from seeing this.
I'm sorry, Anonymous, but I think you're totally out to lunch here. First, as I explained before, it's not so much the hearings themselves that are important, but the threat of hearings and subpoenas. That threat keeps the executive branch in line and when it doesn't exists, the executive branch runs amok.
Second, of course the Republicans abused this oversight power in the '90s. But the modern Republican party has abused all powers it has ever gotten its hands on. That's not an argument for doing away with that power. If we were to follow that logic, we'd do away with virtually all of the President's powers given how badly they've been abused during this administration.
Congressional oversight, when done responsibly, is vitally important to the integrity of our government.
Finally, I question the assertion that FDR and LBJ were did not have to deal with meddlesome congresional overseers. The Truman commission during WWII is a notable example.
And finally, finally, while the experience of the Clinton years, when viewed in isolation show how oversight powers can be abused by small-minded partisans, most of the hearings that have occurred during the Nixon, Reagan, and Bush administrations have been about pretty serious things (Watergate, Iran-Contra, etc.). Should those issues have just been dropped?
AL,
Dude, you are still all about partisanship. In your view the only abuses occur when GOpers use the power against Clinton, and the Nixon-Reagan-Bush hearings are all "pretty serious." This cripples the argument from my perspective.
If the Truman Commission is the best example of the use of this power, then I say let's scrap it. The biggest beneficiary of the Truman commission was Truman himself. Would never have been VP and then President if he hadn't gotten that exposure. Which -- of course -- led LBJ to attempt the same thing once he came to the Senate, with the same goal in mine (during the Korean War).
Anyway, the Truman Commission was on the same side as the President -- so it wasn't looking to be partisan -- and while its goals were noble, it really didn't make a whole hell of a lot of difference in the end.
Congress had great powers to check the president, but to exercise those powers you have to have some balls and take some uncomfortable votes. Much easier to avoid that constitutional process, and instead act as some kind of executive branch inquisitor. No majorities required their.
Open your eyes AL. Don't let the Bush hatred blind you.
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